From Third World To First: The Singapore Story 1965-2000 (Memoirs Of Lee Kuan Yew)

(Book Review 6: Finished reading on the 23rd of December 2011)

ISBN 9789812049841

Price: Unknown (it was a gift)

A monumental work by a monumental man, From Third World to First has been one of the most interesting and gripping books that I've read in 2011. Written in the frank, concise and lucid style so characteristic of former PM Lee, the book covers both domestic and international issues. 

In the first half of the book, former PM Lee discusses the challenges that post independence Singapore faced and how Singapore managed to overcome them and eventually thrive. The second half of the book (and the one that I find more interesting given that the first half is somewhat familiar content for me) has former PM Lee look at international issues and has chapters looking at either a group of countries or specific countries. It provides a fascinating commentary by former PM Lee on world leaders and international developments as well as a good historical overview on Singapore's relations with other countries. His assessment of Southeast Asian countries, China and the UK are perhaps the best of all. I was particularly interested in the sections where former PM Lee wrote on his experiences of his long engagement with China and Taiwan. A third and rather short section expounds upon the political leadership transition in Singapore as well as the importance of family to former PM Lee. Found both of these chapters interesting and his viewpoints on the importance of a smooth and timely transition as well as the role of family very true. 

Mr Lee Kuan Yew, independent Singapore's first prime minister 

Mr Lee in his later years

It is a must read for every Singaporean and essential for anyone wanting to know more about Southeast Asia and Singapore. Most importantly, it provides insight into one of the greatest political figures of the 20th century and likely Singapore's greatest leader. This book will definitely form the core of my library. 

Documents of the 11th National Congress of the Communist Party of Vietnam

(Book Review 5: Finished reading on the 14th of December 2011)
ISBN 9786047703227
Price: 71,000 VND or SGD 4.41

At times repetitive and occasionally obtuse, this book is a bit of a challenge to read. Definitely not something I would call light reading. However, it was an enlightening book once I got used to Communist style purple prose. It describes the progress that Vietnam has made on all fronts in the past decade. Interesting to note that the Communist Party of Vietnam (CPV) admits that there are policies that need readjustment and that there still remains many areas for improvement. This shows that the Party is not stagnating and is conscious of the long term struggle and difficulties ahead. The economic figures cited in this book certainly re-impress upon me the great economic progress that Vietnam has made since the institution of Doi Moi (or the transformation from a socialist economy to a socialist oriented market economy). A definite must read for anyone interested in Vietnam and its recent growth into a Southeast Asian powerhouse.

(Note: This book review is in no way an endorsement of Communism or the VCP, just a private opinion. No offense is intended to anyone who believes in Communism either.)

The following pictures are those I got from Google showing the 11th National Congress in session.

The Return of History and The End of Dreams by Robert Kagan

(Book Review 4: Finished reading on the 4th of December 2011)

ISBN: 9780307389886

Price: SGD 26.95 (before discount), SGD 10 (after discount)

A delightfully and superbly written book that effectively condenses the foreign policy challenges that the liberal democracies of the world face. It is rather hard to summarise this book for it in itself is a masterpiece at summary, being able to eloquently, elegantly and succinctly put forth a discussion about the political state of the world in 105 pages. An interesting view posited is the author's view of a contest between the world's liberal democracies and the autocratic regimes. He recognises the emergence of a multipolar world, but sees a geopolitical contest emerging between these two blocs, rather like a revised Cold War. I say revised because, as the author acknowledges, the various Great Powers are now deeply economically interlinked (more so in the case of China than Russia perhaps). Instead of looking at the BRICs versus the US and Europe, Kagan sees the democracies of Brazil and India aligning themselves with other liberal democracies. The book also provides a good overview of the transition from the post Cold War era into the New World Order posited by US triumphalism after the US's emergence as the sole remaining superpower into the future of Great Power relationships. Definitely a worthwhile read.

Reflections on the Arab Uprisings

As I was scrolling through the archive of blog posts, it somewhat astounded me that I had yet to comment on one of the most momentous events of 2011, that of the Arab Spring and the revolutions that have engulfed the Middle East and North Africa. Yet, what more could I say on an issue that has saturated media coverage and on which various experts from politics, economics and academia have thoroughly analyzed. I will provide my own perspective on the issue, with perhaps a shift from the traditional policy perspective towards a more personal one.

Many have labelled the Arab Spring and the attendant uprisings as a vindication of the ideology of democracy. Indeed, it is undeniable that the protesters across the Middle East and North Africa truly desire democratic governments to replace the dictatorial or authoritarian ones that they are currently under. However, in looking at the desire for democracy, I perceive it as merely a means to an end, something that the protesters believe gives expression to their desire for the rights and dignities to which they have been deprived of for so long. No one can plausibly deny that the uprisings had a very strong economic root. People, especially the Arab youth were incensed by rising unemployment, economic destitution and the lack of opportunities that bred an atmosphere of hopelessness. The struggle for change is perhaps largely borne out of a desire for an improvement of one's standard of living. 

Yet one cannot deny the political side of these uprisings. The desire for change is perhaps some intrinsically human. People never seem to be be entirely satisfied with a government or system that remains in power for too long, even if it is a good system. However, the exarcebating factor in the Arab world is that the political systems are sometimes simply rotten. Vast economic inequalities combined with a narrow power base means that for the vast majority of the population, political participation or influence is unthinkable. Coupled with brutal repression, which on many occasions merely stiffened the resolve of the protesters, it provided an incendiary spark for people to demand the perhaps basic right of being able to feel safe in their own country, to be able to perceive a better future for themselves and to believe that the individual matters.

Protesters in Bahrain

However as the year draws to a close, only in Tunisia is there a concrete sense of optimism. The birthplace of the Arab Spring, following the self-immolation of a young vegetable seller, it is so far the only country that has instituted elections with the moderate Islamist Ennhada party winning over two-fifths of the vote. It is remarkable that Islamists could engage secular political parties and form a coalition government. The peaceful nature of the revolution that overthrew the Tunisian dictator Ben Ali also perhaps set a better foundation for change. Yet concrete change cannot merely be achieved through the institution of the ballot box. The new Tunisian government must also create economic opportunities for the Tunisian people so as to address what is perhaps the fundamental cause of the Arab awakening. 

Jasmine Revolution in Tunisia

Rached Ghannouchi, leader of Ennhada

Ousted Tunisian President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali

In Libya, we might perceive a success. After all, it has been lauded in much of the Western media as a case study for successful military intervention in the Arab world (backing from the UN Security Council, support by Arab nations and a non-American dominated military effort). Yet the success of NATO's military intervention whilst undeniably significant in preventing the wholesale slaughter of the opposition by Gaddafi, also caused undoubtably many civilian causalities. Whilst not wishing to belittle the efforts of  Libya's NTC, the various reports of abuses, reprisals and the wholesale destruction of Sirte and the suspicious circumstances of Gaddafi's death do not give Libya the same positive beginning of a transition that Tunisia enjoys. And what of the Libyan youth, many of whom were militarily involved in the struggle against Gaddafi. A militarized population is a dangerous thing, especially in a tribal country like Libya. Disarming the militias and bringing about national reconciliation and political change in Libya will be a tremendous challenge for any Libyan government and we can only hope that they prove up to the task in rebuilding Libya.

Protests against Gaddafi

Mahmoud Jibril, leader of the NTC during the Libyan Civil War

Gaddafi, former Libyan leader

Egypt however has seen perhaps a reversal of the revolution that toppled longstanding strongman Hosni Mubarak. What makes Egypt so crucial midst all the Arab countries is that it is seen as one of two pivotal Arab nations. Cairo and Riyadh (capital of Egypt and Saudi Arabia respectively) perhaps form the axis of the Arab world. Egypt, with one of the largest Arab populations, a large military and the home of the Arab League is the most important state to have undergone a revolution. Yet, it seems that little of the old guard have been removed and the military, under Field Marshal Tantawi still remain in charge although promises of a transfer to civilian authority have been given. However, the mood in Tahir Square remains defiant, especially with the appointment of a new PM (one who served under the Mubarak regime). Regardless of his positive credentials, it is perhaps understandable that the protesters would be furious at such attempts to install what they see as members of the old guard back into the Egyptian political scene. What happens in Egypt will have repercussions far greater than that of Libya and Tunisia. Egypt transformation and transition will be closely watched by the world, especially that of its Israeli neighbour for whoever ends up ruling in Cairo, will end up leading one of the Arab world's preeminent states. We can only hope that that transition will be a positive one.

Hosni Mubarak, ousted Egyptian leader

Protesters at Tahrir Square, Cairo

But now much of the world's attention is on Syria and on the Assad regime. The opposition and the regime seemed to have reached a deadlock with the regime's military suppression of the mass protests across the country being able to deter the protesters. With members of the Syrian Army defecting to the opposition and creating the Free Syrian Army, the conflict has definitely transited from one of peaceful demonstrations to one of violent uprising. Yet Syria presents a complex case. The political centre (Damascus) and the economic centre (Aleppo) have largely remained quiet. Furthermore, sectarian divisions between Sunnis, Shiites, Christians, Kurds and Alawites with some groups supporting the regime more than others, and the more privileged business class still remaining on the side of the regime, there is a real concern that Syria could degenerate into a civil war that would probably engulf Lebanon for in Lebanon, pro and anti Assad supporters exist. Not to mention the Islamist group of Hezbollah in that country. Calls by the protesters for a foreign military intervention like the one executed in Libya have gone unanswered by the Western world. The West (effectively NATO), has no stomach or desire for an entanglement in Syria. Memories of the American invasion of Iraq and the debacle that ensued remain fresh. Embroilment of foreign military forces in Syria may cause the same sort of civil war that engulfed Iraq. Furthermore, the implacable opposition by China and Russia on any form of foreign intervention is likely to render the UN ineffective and enable to issue a firm stance. We have seen efforts, commendable efforts, by the Arab League to address the Syrian issue. Yet more needs to be done in order to either bring about regime change or effect a ceasefire and an end to the bloodshed. Perhaps in the near future, Turkey, which has announced frustration with the Assad regime may take the lead on the Syrian issue. The world can thus only hope that the bloodshed does not grow worse and comes to an end soon.

Protests against Syrian leader Bashar Al Assad

Syrian President Bashar Al Assad

Pro-Assad rally

Recently in Yemen, the news that Ali Abdullah Saleh would relinquish power in a Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) backed deal opens up a new chapter in Yemeni politics, but it also presents a whole new set of challenges. Many Yemenis are highly displeased by the fact that Saleh would be immune from prosecution. Furthermore, the deal still leaves much power in the hands of the old guard. It is thus highly questionable that the protesters would accept such an arrangement for long, if at all. With renegade commanders, angry protesters and uncontrollable tribal factions, there is a real possibility of Yemen degenerating into civil war.

Protests in Sanaa, Yemen

Ali Abdullah Saleh, Yemeni President (soon to step down)

With such negativity and uninspiring outcomes (save for that of Tunisia), it would seem to many that the Arab Spring has turned into an Arab Winter. Yet, I have faith that this will not the final end of things. We have seen the power of the Arab street and of how ordinary people have fought for their dignity and their aspirations. It seems equally difficult for me to accept that the same people would back down in the face of regime resistance. A revolution is difficult to steal after all.

The Making of the ASEAN Charter

Contributed/Written by:

1. Dr Surin Pitsuwan, ASEAN Secretary-General

2. Pengiran Dato Paduka Osman Patra, Permanent Secretary, Prime Minister's Office, Brunei Darussalam

3. Tan Sri Ahmad Fuzi bin Abdul Razak, Ambassador-At-Large, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Malaysia

4. Aung Bwa, Director General (Rtd.) Myanmar Ministry of Foreign Affairs

5. Rosario Gonzalez-Manalo, Special Envoy of the President for the ASEAN Charter, Republic of the Philippines

6. Tommy Koh, Ambassador-At-Large, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Singapore

7. Walter Woon, Attorney-General, Singapore

8. Pradap Pibulsonggram, Deputy Permanent Secretary, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Thailand

9. Nguyen Trung Thanh, Vietnam's Ambassador to Singapore

10. Ong Keng Yong, Ambassador-At-Large, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Singapore

11. Termsak Chalermpalanupap, Special Assistant to the ASEAN Secretary-General

12. Dian Triansyah Djani, Director-General for ASEAN Cooperation, Department of Foreign Affairs, Republic of Indonesia

13. Kao Kim Hourn, Secretary of State, Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation of Cambodia

14. Bounkeut Sangsomak, Vice-Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Lao PDR

Edited by:

1.Tommy Koh

2. Rosario G Manalo

3. Walter Woon

(Book Review No. 3: Finished reading in September)

ISBN: 9789812833907

Price: SGD 38.52 (original), SGD 20 (after sale)

The Making of the ASEAN Charter

ASEAN Flag

The book, with its collection of essays by the drafters of the Charter and other ASEAN personages, provides an interesting internal perspective on the issue by those who actually crafted the Charter. It is perhaps a simple expression of the nature of ASEAN itself, with decision making based on consultation and consensus and the importance of personal relationships and the critical role that informal diplomacy had to play. Written by a collection of some of the most prominent foreign policy elites in ASEAN, it provides an eloquent and elegant defense of the Charter as well, defending the various processes of ASEAN and the components of the Charter. It indeed is a must read for anyone interested in ASEAN.

Map of ASEAN

Post-War Laos - The Politics of Culture, History and Identity by Vattana Pholsena

(Book Review No 2: Finished reading sometime in September)

ISBN: 9789812303554

Price: SGD 42.70 (original), SGD 10 (after discount)

I originally had very little knowledge about Laos. What I knew were just fragments. I knew that its capital was Vientiane, that it had a Communist government, was a rather undeveloped country in Southeast Asia and was landlocked and cut off from the world. 

Post-War Laos : The Politics of Culture, History and Identity

Hmong Girls at the Plain of Jars, Laos

Whilst occasionally rather dense and sometimes overly technical for my liking, I was fascinated by how it presented the Laotian government's attempt at constructing national unity in a rather fractious country. Even the majority Lao community was subdivided into three separate ethnic communities, whilst the hill tribe minorities were almost too numerous to count. I was rather bemused by how many of the original ethnic labels had originated as a result of French colonial rule and their attempts to categorize the territory's population. As part of the nation building project, the Laotian government has overturned many of the old labels and established new ones, although the people whose ethnicities have officially changed often still stick to the old labels. It is curious that the Panthet Lao's (the Communists) success in ousting the old order of the Lao Royal Government was in no small way a result of the minority hill tribe support for their campaign. The book also notes the Vietnamese contribution towards the Panthet Lao campaign and how Laotian leaders subsequently used Vietnam as a model for constructing a socialist state. One only wonders how much influence Vietnam has over this country, a piece of territory that has long been a battleground between Thai and Vietnamese influence. 

Coat of Arms of Laos

Flag of Laos

Overall it is an interesting book, and a must read for anyone interested in Laos or in the process of national building in what must be one of the world's most challenging geographical and sociological environment.

The European Union at the 66th UN General Assembly

The following is a summary of the remarks made by Herman Van Rompuy at the 66th UN General Assembly. His Excellency Herman Van Rompuy is the President of the European Council of the European Union, the first long-term, non head of state or government to hold this post.

Summary of Remarks made on the 22nd of September 2011:

His Excellency divided up his speech into three sections, 1. Hopes, 2. Worries, 3. Europe's Global Responsibility. My comments upon the main points of his speech are in orange.

1. Hope

• There has been an increased economic uplifting of peoples, with emerging economies becoming emerged economies and the corresponding decrease in poverty.
• South Sudan is an example of how peace and diplomacy can prevail.
• North Africa has provided examples of the possibility for tyranny and terrorism to be defeated.
• Europe is close to the Arab world, geographically and historically and hence will support the democratic and economic reforms of Tunisia, Libya and Egypt with financial aid and access to European markets.
• Europe and the international community have an important responsibility to assist the new Libyan government
• The decade after 9/11 has shown no great clash of civilizations, no religious hatred. The revolutions in the Arab world have also exhibited little of such sentiment. Rather the Arab peoples demand a desire for human dignity in their revolutions.
• Systems must reform in order to stay strong.

One area of critique from me. Has there really been no clash of civilizations and no religious hatred? Whilst he argues that the 9/11 attacks did not spark global hatred towards Islam, an increased suspicion of Islam certainly has taken root in Europe and in America. Perhaps it is true that there have been no civilization clash, as evidenced by how the Arab Spring where people demand the same rights that those in the West do.

Herman Van Rompuy addressing the 66th UNGA

2. Worries

• Oppression and violent crackdowns on protesters in Syria
• Urged others to join the European condemnation of Syria
• The famine in the Horn of Africa
• Issues on nuclear proliferation by Iran and North Korea as well as nuclear power safety issues
• The challenge of climate change
• In the short term, we work towards protecting human life
• In the long term, we work towards protecting humanity
• Actions undertaken to combat climate change are insufficient and must be increased exponentially

I agree with His Excellency on this portion of his speech. Climate change certainly is one of the greatest challenges of our time.

Map of EU Member States

EU Flag

3. Europe's Global Responsibility

• Supporting hope and fighting the causes of worry globally
• Europe is the largest donor of development aid
• And is one of the largest donor towards climate aid (aid to tackle and mitigate the effects of climate change)
• Offers manpower aid (peacekeeping, development and aid workers, volunteers, police officers)
• Europe is ambitious in climate talks
• Europe seeks reforms in the international financial systems in recognition of the changing economic weight of countries
• It seeks to solve conflict in the Balkans
• Has an important role to play in the Middle East Peace Process (MEPP)
• Seeks the implementation of a two state solution based upon 1967 borders with mutually agreed territorial swaps
• Supports the Palestinian Authority in its state building process
• Mutual concerns are important and legitimate, Israelis must have a state and security and recognition; Palestinians must also have a state of their own
• History severely judges political moves that only create shortcomings
• In Europe's example of achieving peace, there must be a lasting compromise built upon mutual sacrifice and trust
• Invites other industralised countries to follow Europe's aims and goals in cutting carbon emissions in a bid to tackle climate change
• Europe is committed towards tackling the sovereign debt crisis as it is responsible to the global economy.
• Europe will continue to do what it takes to tackle the defining challenge of this European generation
• But Europe also expects other major countries to bring their own houses in order
• Europe will stand shoulder to shoulder with the UN
• The UN is crucial to the world
• The EU's 500 million citizens reject splendid isolation in favour of global engagement
• The world belongs to no one nation, it belongs to us all

Most interesting section. Outlines Europe as a global power quite different from say China or the US. Emphasis on European soft power (e.g. development support, peacekeeping, economic power). Interesting allusion to the European project that created European peace (save for the Balkans). Indeed, the MEPP can only plausibly succeed if sacrifices can be made and trust created. Both Palestinians and Israelis have legitimate and inalienable claims to the Holy Land. Emphasis on climate change efforts are made. Comments on the sovereign debt crisis and the reiteration of European resolve. Interestingly, the invitation for industrialised countries to join the European targets of carbon emissions reduction as well as the comments on other countries needing to keep their balance sheets in order seem directed at the US. Perhaps a double attack for US sidelining the EU at Copenhagen and for Secretary Geithner comments on the sovereign debt crisis. In this new era of increasing US decline, it is perhaps important to have Europe actively engaged in the world. It after all is the most peaceful and economically developed region of the globe with examples and lessons for us all to learn from.